Trading Bougainville Copper (ADRs) 867948

wird BCL in AU nicht mehr gehandelt???
Ich glaube seit einer Woche täglich  0,00 Stück   oder  ?????????

hmmm - die Druckverkäufe scheinen (momentan) ausgesetzt. Und für Nachfrage fehlen wohl (noch) Anreize...

230715NISSAN TO BOOT THE BILL

By Aloysius Laukai



The people of Nissan will have to boot the bill for damages done at the NEW DAWN FM premises last night by their member, CHARRY NAPTO from the Constituency funds.

Staff from New Dawn FM after 12 midnight were surprised that a Toyota Land Cruiser Five door drove in at top speed and rammed into the building removing security planks from one of the buildings.

The member was the driver and was totally drunk at the time of the incident and had to be removed from the premises.

Police were called immediately to save the car and the driver from opportunists who wanted to take the law into their own hands.

The Hire car was locked at the accident site until it was recovered by the owner this morning.

This happened after the ABG House rose from the first parliament session since the June Election.

A bill has been prepared to be presented to the honourable member.



Ends

...er hätte sich fahren lassen. Ich vermute mal der Grund für den Absturz war ein Erfolg beim ´´Geld verteilen.´´ ..Das müssen die Jungs jetzt auch langsam lernen. ;-))))

Deine Vermutung könnte passen...

Bureaucrats urge Govt to compensate

By ROMULUS MASIU

PUBLIC servants in Bougainville want the Government to compensate them their risk allowance accordingly dating back to 1989 when the conflict erupted.

Public servants who were forced to do their work during the crisis era voiced their concern yesterday saying the conflict is not a public servants’ protest or strike and it has nothing to do with us, spokesperson Andrew Ture said.

He served as a primary school teacher for 30 years. Mr Ture said the Government must review the issue of risk allowance because public servants, especially teachers and health workers, were affected during 1989 and onwards.

“Lives were lost, properties lost, we were raped, harassed and tortured in line of our duty as public servants,” Mr Ture said, adding that they have the right to be compensated by the Government of the day.

Mr Ture, who is from Sulekunu in Buin District of South Bougainville, said back then the Government didn’t make us aware of the looming crisis so we as public servants could take safety precautions. He said public servants are innocent people caught in between this politically motivated war which caused so much suffering.

Mr Ture clarified that the risk allowance must be paid accordingly meaning it must be dated back to 1989 when the crisis begun. Some years back public servants in Bougainville were paid some form of risk allowances starting from year 2000 onwards which did not go down well with public servants. Some got K1, 500 with highest being K2000, he confirmed.

In 1989, Mr Ture was the then headmaster in Sianeki Primary School when militants attacked the school and killed one of his teachers Michael Pimai who is from the local area.

“Iam calling on the government of the day to fully review the risk allowance payout and sort out public servants accordingly dating back to 1989,” Mr Ture said on behalf of silent majority throughout the region.

BY SEBASTIAN HAKALITS

THE Autonomous Bougainville Government (ABG) Minister for Community Government, Honourable Jacob Tooke in his first 100 days says delegation of decision making will be drawn down to COE’s. The minister said this during the first parliament sitting of the third house of the ABG last week and said he has set his priorities right in his service delivery for the affairs of the Department of Community Government.

In his brief statement to the house, he stated on how his department will address its issues within his first 100 days as the minister.

“As the minister responsible for the Community Government, I will set my priorities in the decentralisation and delegation of responsibilities in the decision makings to the 33 constituency Council of Elders (COE’s) and Village Assemblies (VA’s) of Bougainville,” he stated.

Mr Tooke also urged the members and ministers of the third house of the ABG to attend every meeting conducted by the local level government (LLG) in the various constituencies of the three regions of Bougainville during his term of parliament because in the past, no members and ministers ever attended such meetings.

To improve the management and coordination of the LLG activities in the districts, constituencies and VA’s in North, Central and South Bougainville, the minister and his team are working on a plan to conduct a consultative awareness meetings to gauge views of the people on how best the power sharing and decision making will be decentralised to these tiers of government.

Mr Tooke also seeks to come up with a strategic plan of the Department to set out its road map for the next five years.

He said as the aim of the Government is to attain good governance at all levels of the lower government, he would like to see the power held at the upper house be prioritised to the constituencies and the VA’s so as to provide the best decision making avenues for the people of Bougainville.

ramumine.wordpress.com/2015/07/25/...nary-leader-francis-ona/

Es scheint sich was zu tun hinter den Kulissen. Denn sonst würde Mine Watch solche alten Klamotten nicht aus der Kiste holen.

29 juillet, 15:49

290715NOT CHINESE BUT INVESTORS
By Tom Kathoa

A threat to Chinese people operating businesses in Bougainville is not a threat to the Chinese community, but an indirect threat to foreign investors.

This is the word from Bougainville Police Chief, Assistant Commissioner, Paul Kamuai when giving his weekend police reports to the media.

Mr. Kamuai said Chinese investors are here on the invitation of the ABG Government, and people are not happy with their presence there are proper ways in dealing with the matter instead of issuing threats and breaking into their premises.

He said it is a fact that many of these Chinese cannot speak English or Tok Pidgin.

On claims that many more Chinese are hiding in their premises during the day and only come out in the night, Mr. Kamuai said there are government authorities responsible for the number of foreigners in Bougainville.

It is the duty of the Labor Department and Immigration Division to carry out a thorough check on the exact number of Chinese and other foreigners on Bougainville

These government agencies are duty bound to check on how these foreigners entered the region and whether they have valid visas, passports and other appropriate and relevant documents with them.

Unqualified threats would only turn away genuine investors from coming into Bougainville.

The police chief has appealed to those issuing threats to exercise good judgment and common sense to prevail.

Ends

vnr.srv3.de/...306&SYS=000&SCID=Y29uc3RydXRAcHQubHU%3D

“I must make it clear, here and now, that we need both those domestic and foreign investors,” Momis continued.
“Domestic investors in Bougainville are already doing much. We have significant local investment in large and small stores, in guest houses, in PMVs, in construction of buildings and roads and many other sectors.”
These local investors who have taken many risks since the conflict ended, need for more support and encouragement and developing plans and mechanisms for the incentive they need must be a major focus of our new ministry.
For the most part, foreign investors will be encouraged to operate in other sectors where domestic investors do not have the capacity.
“Fiscal self-reliance is a tall order at this point in time. Yet, I firmly believe that when we work together purposively and want it badly enough we can achieve it,” Momis said.

Quelle : bougainvillenews.com/

Panguna Meekamui Leader declares support to the Referendum Preparations

Mr Moses Pipiro, Commander of the Meekamui Defence Force that has territorial control over the giant Panguna Mine has thrown his weight behind the ABG preparations for conduct of a free and fair referendum on the Bougainville future political status with a choice for separate independence for Bougainville as agreed in the Bougainville Peace Agreement.

He presented to a small delegation of officers from the Department of Referendum, Veterans’ Affairs and Peace, a five member Meekamui Working group that is tasked with producing a Meekamui schedule for awareness, reconciliation and weapons disposal as well as their views on reopening of Panguna Mine.

Mr Pipiro agrees that it is important that Bougainville must be free from fear of guns and that Bougainville needs a massive economic boost to fund its government and people of the choice was in favour of Meekamui aspiration for independent Bougainville. “Meekamui stands in support of the ABG to enable Bougainville fulfil its commitments to the Peace Agreement,” assured Mr Pipiro...........

However, this is now not the case and, Mr. Pipiro said it needs the full support and cooperation of all factional groups and individual Bougainvilleans to join hands and walk the part to referendum and eventual independence.

During a meeting with a small delegation from the Referendum Office, Commander Pipiro presented to them a five member Meekamui Working group tasked with producing a Meekamui schedule for awareness, reconciliation and weapons disposal.

He agrees that Bougainville must be free from fear of guns and that Bougainville badly needs a massive economic boost to fund its government operations.

Mr. Pipiro says the Meekamui Defernce Force is in support of the ABG to enable Bougainville to achieve it commitments to the Peace Agreement and for a free and fair conduct of the referendum vote every single Bougainville.
ramunickel | August 4, 2015 at 2:48 pm | Tags: ABG, Bougainville, John Momis, Mekamui, Moses Pipiro, Panguna, Rio Tinto | Categories: Corruption, Papua New Guinea | URL: wp.me/pMvf7-4lb

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ramumine.wordpress.com/2015/08/04/...bougainvilles-president/

Leaders of Central Bougainville have already taken the initiative to make people in their respective constituencies ‘Referendum Ready’.

The initiative is being promoted by the Associate Minister for Referendum, Veterans’ Affairs and Peace and member for South Nasioi, Hon. Simon Dasiona.

Member Dasiona has already in consultation with Ex Combatant leaders of Central to move and prepare a post ABG reconciliation for all presidential candidates from the region.

He said the move is for presidential candidates to reconcile with the ABG President, Hon. Dr. Chief John Momis.

Member Dasiona said it is his firm belief that Bougainville Ex Combatants must be united with the political leaders in order to achieve peace for a peaceful outcome of referendum.

The office of referendum is heavily engaged in carrying out awareness in all parts of Bougainville and this program would continue through to the time when people will go to cast their vote on the referendum issue.

There are now clear risks, however, that the BPA mightn’t last the distance. This post looks at where things are headed on Bougainville and, in particular, at some difficult choices the Australian Government may need to make in the coming period.

Foreign Minister Julie Bishop has taken a personal interest in Bougainville, having visited it both in opposition and in government. She’s been careful to avoid commenting on the independence question although there’s no reason to think that the Abbott Government’s approach will be different from that of its predecessors; it will have a strong preference for Bougainville to remain part of Papua New Guinea.

In Canberra the orthodox view remains that an independent Bougainville would complicate Australia’s strategic environment. It could destabilise both Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands, and would inevitably be a weak and possibly internally conflicted state requiring substantial external assistance for an extended period, with this cost being largely borne by Australia.

The counter-argument—that a peaceful separation of Bougainville from the rest of Papua New Guinea would settle once and for all what has been an issue for all of Papua New Guinea’s history as an independent country—is rarely heard.

For all that, Australia’s formal position on Bougainville’s independence is in fact one of neutrality. This position was first set out in March 2000 by then-Foreign Minister Alexander Downer. During the course of negotiations on the Bougainville Peace Agreement, Downer announced that Australia would ‘accept any settlement negotiated by the parties’.

Downer never made any secret of the fact that Australia’s preference was for Bougainville to remain part of Papua New Guinea. Even so, his March 2000 announcement was seen—particularly on Bougainville—as a significant change in Australian government policy because it meant, in theory at least, that Australia was open to any negotiated outcome, including independence. Previously, during the course of the Bougainville crisis from 1988 onwards, Australia’s position had been that Bougainville was an integral part of Papua New Guinea; that position was part of the reason for strong anti-Australian sentiment among pro-independence leaders on Bougainville.

The perception of a significant policy change was reinforced by Downer’s role, later in 2000, in helping to broker the crucial ‘delayed referendum’ provisions of the Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA). These provide for an independence referendum 10 to 15 years after the election of a Bougainville government (as it subsequently turned out, this means June 2015–June 2020), plus a requirement for the outcome to be ratified by the PNG Parliament. Downer argued that this outcome gave reassurance to both sides: for pro-independence Bougainvilleans a successful referendum, although non-binding, would have irresistible moral force among the international community; for the PNG government, at the same time, sovereignty would ultimately be preserved by giving the PNG Parliament the final say.

The BPA has a strong legal foundation. Its terms were enshrined in law through an amendment to the PNG Constitution (Article XIV). Furthermore, no amendments to that part of the Constitution can be passed unless also approved by a two-thirds majority in the Bougainville legislature. On the timing of the referendum, the language included in Article XIV is unequivocal:

The Referendum shall be held … not earlier than 10 years and, notwithstanding any other provision [emphasis added], not more than 15 years after the election of the first Bougainville Government.

Australia took as a given that PNG governments of any stripe would want Bougainville to remain part of Papua New Guinea—and that they would (and should) take advantage of the delay in the timing of the referendum to convince Bougainvilleans of the benefits of autonomy over independence.

Whatever Papua New Guinea’s efforts over the years since the BPA was signed, most informed observers would now take the view that majority Bougainvillean opinion remains firmly pro-independence, even if differences exist on the question of how ready Bougainville is for independence and therefore on the best timing for this.

Campaigning for the May 2015 elections in Bougainville was conducted explicitly on the grounds that the incoming government (which has a five year term) would be the one to negotiate the exact timing of the referendum. All presidential candidates, including the winner, John Momis, were pro-independence in outlook.

The PNG government hasn’t publicly walked away from the BPA; on the contrary, it continues to assert its commitment to it. The communiques from successive PNG–Australia Ministerial Forums continue to include routine (perhaps by now ritual) affirmations of the PNG government’s ‘ongoing commitment to the full implementation of the Bougainville Peace Agreement’.

It would be prudent at least to contemplate ways in which all this could go wrong. Papua New Guinea’s reaction to the May 2015 budget announcement that an Australian consulate would be established in Buka suggested that Australia had touched a raw nerve in Waigani, and gave a valuable insight into the importance and sensitivity of this issue for the O’Neill government. Certainly, the Port Moresby rumour mill increasingly suggests that Prime Minister O’Neill is giving serious thought as to how Papua New Guinea can preserve its interests in Bougainville in the long term.

Many on Bougainville fear that the PNG government will find a way to prevent the referendum from going ahead at all. So it’s at least possible that Bougainville and Waigani may be on a collision course. In a second post I will look at the implications of any such collision for Australian policy.

To this, it might be countered that Article XIV of the PNG Constitution includes a range of dispute resolution provisions including through the courts. Yet this ignores the fact that any differences that may arise are far more likely to be political differences than matters of interpretation that are amenable to mediation or judicial resolution.

In either of the disputed situations outlined above Australia would be faced with difficult choices. Of course, Bougainville isn’t Australia’s responsibility, but Australia has a stake in Bougainville’s future, including its relationship with Papua New Guinea. Australia doesn’t have the luxury of not having a view on these questions. In any serious dispute, both sides would look to Australia for support.

Whatever the legal niceties, the PNG government would expect to have the greater claim on Australian support, both on historical grounds and in the light of more recent experience—you-scratch-my-back-and-I’ll-scratch-yours (i.e. Manus) grounds. For their part Bougainvillean groups would point to Australia’s role in acting as midwife to the BPA back in 2000.

In any such scenario a range of Australian interests would be thrown into the balance: Australia’s stake in Papua New Guinea’s long-term security and stability; the state of the bilateral relationship; the risks of renewed violence on Bougainville; the implications of any action (or inaction) on Australia’s part for its broader role in the region.

Many decisions are yet to be taken by the parties themselves, and many variables remain in play. While there are the beginnings of discussion in Bougainville on possible transition scenarios, there’s no requirement for a referendum to be held before 2020, so any breakdown in the process—assuming one does occur—might be years away. So it’s wise not to take the scenario-building too far.

For Australia, however, the key point is this: Downer’s 2000 formula (Australia would ‘accept any settlement negotiated by the parties’) has served successive governments well over the past 15 years when all parties could sincerely declare themselves committed to the BPA. It’s a good formula, and if anything it’s been reinforced by the regular commitment to honouring the BPA included in Ministerial Forum communiques. That said, enough risks are now apparent to suggest that this formula may be reaching its use-by date. Events beyond Australia’s control may require Australia to declare its hand one way or the other.

None of this will be news to Australian officials engaged in PNG policy and, given her personal interest, it’s safe to assume that Julie Bishop understands what’s at stake. That doesn’t make the choices that may be faced any easier.

Much of the above analysis renders the Bougainville issue down to a binary choice: independence or not. Might there be another way of framing the issue? It’s possible that the parties themselves could think of a ‘third way’, even if no such options have been canvassed publicly so far. Even if the PNG and Bougainville governments find themselves seriously at odds on the referendum issue over the course of the next five years, it shouldn’t be assumed that they wouldn’t be able to come up with creative solutions. A worst case scenario isn’t inevitable or even the most likely outcome.

This is where Australian diplomacy could play a role. In 2000, Alexander Downer moved the peace process forward by helping the parties see beyond the immediate binary choices they felt confronted with at the time. The BPA may not have solved the Bougainville question definitively, but it has given the people of Bougainville fifteen years of peace.

It may yet turn out that the key contribution that Australian diplomacy can make is to help the parties see the future as something other than an exclusive yes/no choice.

Author
James Batley worked in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and in AusAID, between 1984 and 2014 including postings in Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji. He currently works as a Distinguished Policy Fellow in the State, Society and Governance in Melanesia program in the Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs at ANU.

hotcopper.com.au/threads/...%2Fboc%2F%3Fvtrct%3D2#.VcOqk_Ptmko

Auszug aus dem Bericht:

Bel Kol is now expected to take place in the near term.

... eine grüne Kerze wurde gezündet!

asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2015/08/...-to-exploration.html

whoou! was für eine absolut gute Meldung! Vor 5 Jahren wäre der BCL-Aktienkurs jetzt 50% oder mehr gestiegen.

Aber heute, Mitte 2015, tut sich rein gar nichts. Der Verkaufsdruck der Rohstofffonds ist zwar an der ASX beendet, und hartgesottene Zeitgenossen haben bei diesen irren BCL-Kursen alle Stücke aufgesogen, aber die BCL-Nachfrage ist trotz guter News-Entwicklung weiterhin komatös. Und Panguna ist unverändert noch immer eine bewachte No-Go-Zone, genau so wie es die letzten 25 Jahren war.

Aber vielleicht muss auch erst die aktuelle ausgewachsene Rohstoffbaisse ihren Boden finden? Kupfer scheint ja bei 5k eine stabile Widerstandslinie zu haben. Mal sehen was der Herbst bringt? Ihr fragt "welches Jahr?"?...   ja genau!...   an dieser Stelle hat man weniger Herzrythmusprobleme wenn man die Sache mit Humor angeht...  und Nerven aus Graphen verstärkten Kevlarphasern hat.

Ich gehe jetzt zum Baggersene, FKK baden, mit meinem heißen Weib.
Schönes WE allen hier!

Was sagt cap und handle aus. Kann das ein Chartexperte erklären. Danke

www.google.de/...amp;ie=UTF-8#q=cup+and+handle&lr=lang_de

Danke

Minister Darku supported Ms Travertz’s request and has called on the Bel Kol committee, headed by Bruno Babato, to cease further contact with the staff of Kieta district and also cease from using the Kieta district facilities to plan the Bel Kol event.

“Everything whatsoever for Bel Kol must be held at Panguna district and involve the Panguna district officials for the planning and staging of the event next month.

“Whether the event will eventuate or not, let the people of Panguna district must handle the planning and staging of the event because they’re the ones who should take the lead and take ownership of the event, not Kieta district or any other districts in Bougainville,” Minister Darku said.

Danke für den interessanten Link/Artikel. Das zeigt nur (wieder einmal) wie fragil das Ganze vor Ort noch ist und auch vermutlich noch lange bleiben wird.

Aber auf die paar Jahre ... ;)